Second-Hand Clothing (Okrika) and the Nigerian Fashion Industry: Economic Necessity or Industrial Threat?

Abstract

This paper examines the relationship between second-hand clothing (okrika) and the Nigerian fashion industry, focusing on whether the trade should be understood primarily as an economic necessity or an industrial threat. It traces the evolution of Nigeria's indigenous textile traditions, the growth and decline of the country's textile industry, and the emergence of the okrika trade within changing economic and global trade conditions. Rather than attributing the decline of Nigeria's textile industry solely to second-hand clothing imports, the paper argues that the industry's challenges resulted from the interaction of multiple factors, including unreliable electricity supply, inadequate infrastructure, inconsistent industrial policies, smuggling, technological limitations, and increasing production costs. While okrika has intensified competition within the clothing market, it has also expanded access to affordable clothing, created employment opportunities, and supported livelihoods across Nigeria's informal economy. The paper concludes that understanding the role of okrika requires a balanced perspective that recognises both its economic significance and its implications for domestic textile production. Strengthening Nigeria's fashion industry therefore depends not only on addressing the challenges associated with second-hand clothing but also on revitalising local textile manufacturing and supporting indigenous textile traditions.

Keywords: Second hand clothing, Okrika, Nigeria, Textile industry, industrial development, sustainable fashion.

Introduction

The Nigerian fashion industry has emerged as one of the country's most dynamic creative and manufacturing sectors, contributing significantly to employment, entrepreneurship, cultural identity, and economic development. It encompasses textile production, garment manufacturing, fashion design, retail, and distribution, while also serving as a platform for preserving and promoting Nigeria's rich cultural heritage. Anyanwu (2000) observes that the industry has become an important driver of economic activity, although its growth has been constrained by structural and institutional challenges. Building on this, Aremu (2005) argues that inadequate infrastructure, dependence on imported raw materials, and inconsistent industrial policies have weakened local textile production, while Babatunde (2011) identifies unreliable electricity supply and limited access to finance as persistent obstacles to the competitiveness of Nigerian manufacturers.

Nigeria once possessed one of the largest textile industries in sub-Saharan Africa, with the sector providing employment for hundreds of thousands of workers and contributing substantially to industrial output. Andræ and Beckman (1999) trace the industry's decline to the economic reforms introduced during the Structural Adjustment Programme, which exposed local manufacturers to intense external competition. Aremu (2005) further attributes the decline to rising production costs and deteriorating infrastructure, while Maiyaki (2013) argues that smuggling and increasing imports further weakened the capacity of domestic textile manufacturers to compete.

As the local textile industry declined, the second-hand clothing trade, popularly known as okrika, expanded rapidly across Nigeria. Beyond providing affordable clothing, the trade created opportunities for importers, wholesalers, retailers, transporters, tailors, and garment repairers operating within the informal economy. Baden and Barber (2005) describe second-hand clothing as an important source of affordable garments for low-income consumers in developing countries. Similarly, Field (2004) notes that the global trade in used clothing has grown alongside changing consumption patterns and international trade networks, while Abimbola (2011) argues that the trade has become an important means of livelihood for many Nigerians.

The rapid expansion of okrika has generated an enduring debate among scholars, policymakers, and industry stakeholders. While some argue that imported second-hand clothing has displaced locally manufactured garments and contributed to the decline of Nigeria's textile industry, others contend that this explanation overlooks deeper structural problems that had already undermined the sector. Aremu (2005) maintains that industrial policy failures and infrastructural deficiencies played a central role in the industry's decline, a position reinforced by Babatunde (2011) and Maiyaki (2013), who identify energy shortages, weak manufacturing capacity, and broader economic conditions as equally significant factors.

Against this background, this paper examines the relationship between second-hand clothing and the Nigerian fashion industry to determine whether okrika should be understood primarily as an economic necessity or an industrial threat. It argues that this question cannot be answered by considering second-hand clothing in isolation. Rather, a balanced understanding requires examining the evolution of Nigeria's indigenous textiles, the development and decline of the textile industry, the emergence of the okrika trade, and the wider economic and industrial conditions that have shaped both.

Concept of Second-Hand Clothing (Okrika)

Second-hand clothing refers to garments that have been previously owned or used before being resold to other consumers. In Nigeria, these garments are popularly known as okrika, although other regional names such as bend-down boutique are also used in parts of Africa. The trade in second-hand clothing has become an important component of the global clothing market, linking developed countries, where used garments are collected, with developing countries, where they are sorted, exported, and resold. According to Baden and Barber (2005), the second-hand clothing trade has expanded significantly over the past few decades due to increasing clothing consumption in developed countries, improved global trade networks, and the affordability of used garments in low- and middle-income countries.

Abimbola (2011) explains that the second-hand clothing trade in West Africa extends beyond simple buying and selling, involving complex cross-border trade networks that connect importers, wholesalers, retailers, transporters, and informal market operators. In Nigeria, okrika has evolved into a major source of employment and income, particularly in urban markets where thousands of traders depend on the business for their livelihoods. The affordability and availability of second-hand clothing have also made it attractive to consumers facing declining purchasing power and rising costs of living. The demand for second-hand clothing is influenced by several factors, including income levels, fashion preferences, product quality, and consumer perceptions. Field (2004), in a study of Kenya's second-hand clothing market, found that consumers often preferred imported used clothing because of its affordability, durability, and perceived higher quality compared with some locally available alternatives. Similar patterns have been observed in Nigeria, where many consumers purchase okrika because it offers access to branded and relatively durable clothing at prices that are within their financial means.

Despite these advantages, the expansion of the second-hand clothing trade has generated considerable debate among policymakers, manufacturers, and researchers. While supporters argue that the trade promotes employment, poverty reduction, and affordable access to clothing, critics contend that it may increase competitive pressure on domestic textile and garment producers. Baden and Barber (2005) emphasize, however, that the impact of second-hand clothing differs across countries and should be assessed alongside other economic and industrial factors rather than viewed in isolation.

Evolution of the Nigerian Textile and Fashion Industry

Nigeria's textile industry was once among the largest and most vibrant in sub-Saharan Africa, serving as a major contributor to employment, industrialization, and economic growth. During the 1970s and early 1980s, the industry experienced rapid expansion, supported by favourable government policies, abundant cotton production, and increasing domestic demand for locally manufactured fabrics and garments. According to Andræ and Beckman (1999), the textile sector employed hundreds of thousands of workers and was regarded as one of Nigeria's leading manufacturing industries, with factories located in Kaduna, Kano, Lagos, Aba, and other industrial centres.

The industry's growth was closely linked to the development of Nigeria's cotton value chain, which supplied raw materials to textile mills and garment manufacturers. Local production not only met domestic demand but also created employment opportunities for farmers, factory workers, traders, transporters, and artisans. Anyanwu (2000) observed that the manufacturing sector, particularly textiles, played an important role in promoting industrial productivity and economic diversification during this period.

Despite its early success, the Nigerian textile industry began to experience a steady decline from the mid-1980s onwards. Economic liberalization, the implementation of Structural Adjustment Programmes (SAPs), rising production costs, unstable exchange rates, and increased dependence on imported raw materials reduced the competitiveness of local manufacturers. Andræ and Beckman (1999) argue that these structural changes fundamentally altered the operating environment of textile firms, leading to factory closures, declining production capacity, and significant job losses.

In addition to these economic challenges, inadequate electricity supply, poor transport infrastructure, limited access to finance, smuggling, and inconsistent industrial policies further weakened the sector. Aremu (2005) identifies these factors as major contributors to the collapse of many textile factories across the country, while Babatunde (2011) emphasizes that unreliable electricity significantly increased production costs, making locally produced textiles less competitive than imported alternatives. Similarly, Maiyaki (2013) found that infrastructure deficiencies, high operating costs, and competition from imported products continued to hinder the growth and sustainability of textile manufacturing in Kano, one of Nigeria's traditional textile hubs.

The decline of the textile industry created significant economic and social consequences, including rising unemployment, reduced domestic production, and increased dependence on imported clothing and textiles. These developments also coincided with the expansion of the second-hand clothing market, raising questions about the extent to which okrika contributed to the industry's challenges. While some stakeholders attribute the decline primarily to the influx of second-hand clothing, existing literature suggests that the industry's difficulties resulted from a combination of structural, economic, and policy-related factors rather than a single cause.

Evolution of Indigenous Textiles in Nigeria

The history of Nigeria's textile industry predates colonial rule and the establishment of modern textile factories. Long before industrial production and the importation of second-hand clothing, indigenous communities across the country had developed sophisticated weaving, dyeing, spinning, and embroidery traditions that served economic, social, cultural, and religious purposes.

Textile production was not merely a means of making clothing; it reflected identity, craftsmanship, social status, and the cultural values of different ethnic groups. Basden (1966) observes that weaving and dyeing were well-established occupations among many Nigerian communities, with textile-making skills transmitted from one generation to another. Likewise, Afigbo and Okeke (1985) explain that indigenous textile production played a significant role in trade and community life, particularly among the Igbo, where weaving had become an organised economic activity long before colonial influence.

Understanding the evolution of these indigenous textiles is essential to this study because they formed the foundation of Nigeria's clothing culture and early textile economy. Before the influx of imported fabrics and second-hand clothing, locally woven textiles satisfied both everyday and ceremonial clothing needs while sustaining thousands of artisans, traders, and farming households. Their historical development therefore provides an important context for examining the emergence of okrika and assessing its influence on Nigeria's fashion industry.

Among the Yoruba of southwestern Nigeria, Aso-Oke is regarded as one of Nigeria's most distinguished indigenous textiles. Traditionally woven on narrow-strip looms using locally spun cotton and, later, silk, Aso-Oke has long been associated with weddings, chieftaincy installations, festivals, and other important cultural ceremonies. Olutayo and Akanle (2009) describe Aso-Oke as both a symbol of Yoruba cultural identity and an important economic resource that has retained its relevance despite changing fashion trends.

Examining its economic contribution, Atanda (2015) argues that Aso-Oke weaving has sustained generations of artisans through employment and income generation. Building on this argument, Okpu and Abimbola (2020) contend that the industry continues to support local entrepreneurship and cultural preservation, demonstrating that indigenous textiles can remain economically viable even in periods of economic uncertainty.

Another important Yoruba textile tradition is Adire, a hand-dyed fabric produced through resist-dyeing techniques using natural indigo. Unlike woven textiles, Adire derives its uniqueness from its intricate patterns, many of which communicate cultural beliefs, historical experiences, and artistic creativity. Saheed (2013) explains that Adire evolved from a household craft into a thriving commercial enterprise, creating employment opportunities particularly for women while preserving indigenous knowledge and artistic traditions. The continued popularity of Adire within Nigeria's contemporary fashion industry illustrates how traditional craftsmanship has successfully adapted to modern consumer preferences without losing its cultural significance.

The southeastern region of Nigeria is renowned for the production of Akwete, a traditional handwoven textile originating from Abia State. Distinguished by its colourful geometric designs and complex weaving techniques, Akwete has historically served ceremonial, decorative, and commercial purposes within Igbo society. Ikegwu and Uzuegbu (2015) argue that preserving the Akwete weaving tradition contributes to rural development by generating employment, encouraging cultural tourism, and safeguarding indigenous skills. Extending this perspective, Okpoko (2023) suggests that promoting Akwete textiles within international markets could strengthen sustainable economic development while preserving an important aspect of Nigeria's cultural heritage.

Similarly, Akwa-Ocha, the traditional white handwoven fabric of the Anioma people in Delta State, occupies an important place in Nigeria's indigenous textile heritage. The fabric is widely used during marriages, festivals, title-taking ceremonies, and other significant cultural occasions. According to Akpodiete (2021), the Akwa-Ocha industry contributes not only to cultural preservation but also to community development by creating employment opportunities and supporting local artisans. Its continued production reflects the resilience of indigenous textile traditions despite increasing competition from imported fabrics and changing patterns of consumer demand.

Indigenous textile production also flourished in Northern Nigeria, where weaving, embroidery, and dyeing developed into important economic and cultural activities. Textile centres such as Kano became renowned for the production of handwoven cotton fabrics and richly embroidered garments that were traded across regional and trans-Saharan markets. These traditions strengthened local economies, preserved specialised craftsmanship, and demonstrated that textile production had become an established industry across different regions of Nigeria long before mechanised manufacturing emerged. This nationwide tradition underscores the historical depth and diversity of Nigeria's textile heritage.

Although Ankara is not indigenous to Nigeria, it has become one of the country's most widely recognised fabrics and occupies a prominent position within the contemporary fashion industry. Originally derived from Dutch wax prints inspired by Indonesian batik, Ankara was gradually embraced across West Africa and eventually became an integral part of Nigerian fashion. Nigerian designers have transformed Ankara into a symbol of African identity by blending traditional aesthetics with contemporary fashion trends. Its widespread acceptance illustrates the ability of Nigeria's fashion industry to adapt external influences while preserving its distinctive cultural identity.

Taken together, the reviewed studies demonstrate that Nigeria possessed a vibrant and economically significant textile tradition long before the establishment of mechanised textile factories and the introduction of second-hand clothing into the country. Indigenous textiles such as Aso-Oke, Adire, Akwete, and Akwa-Ocha served as sources of employment, cultural expression, entrepreneurship, and community identity across different regions of Nigeria. This rich textile heritage provides the historical foundation for understanding the emergence of the country's modern textile industry, which is examined in the next section.

Evolution of the Nigerian Textile Industry

Nigeria's textile industry evolved from centuries of indigenous weaving and dyeing traditions into one of the country's most important manufacturing sectors after independence. In an effort to promote industrialisation and reduce dependence on imported goods, the Nigerian government introduced policies that encouraged local textile production and investment in manufacturing. These policies facilitated the establishment of textile mills in cities such as Kaduna, Kano, Lagos, Aba, Funtua, and Onitsha, transforming the sector into a major contributor to employment, industrial development, and economic growth.

During the 1970s and early 1980s, the textile industry experienced remarkable expansion and became one of Nigeria's largest manufacturing employers. The growth of the sector extended beyond factory production, creating strong linkages with cotton farming, transportation, garment production, and wholesale distribution. Reflecting on this period, Andræ and Beckman (1996) describe the industry as one of the pillars of Nigeria's manufacturing economy, noting that it generated hundreds of thousands of direct and indirect jobs while strengthening the country's industrial base.

The expansion of textile manufacturing also contributed significantly to national development. Increased demand for locally cultivated cotton stimulated agricultural production, while local processing reduced dependence on imported fabrics and encouraged value addition within the economy. These contributions led Anyanwu (2000) to identify the textile sector as a key driver of Nigeria's industrialisation. Central Bank of Nigeria statistics document the substantial scale of textile manufacturing and its capacity utilisation during this period (Central Bank of Nigeria [CBN], 2005).

Despite this impressive growth, the industry began to experience serious challenges from the mid-1980s onwards. Economic reforms introduced under the Structural Adjustment Programme (SAP) altered Nigeria's trade and industrial landscape by liberalising imports, reducing government support for local manufacturers, and exposing domestic industries to greater international competition. Olukoshi (1996) argues that although these reforms were designed to improve economic efficiency, they also increased production costs and weakened the competitive position of many Nigerian textile firms.

The decline of the industry, however, cannot be attributed to economic reforms alone. Existing studies consistently point to a combination of structural and institutional challenges that gradually undermined the sector's performance. Inadequate infrastructure, obsolete production equipment, limited technological investment, inconsistent industrial policies, and poor access to finance reduced productivity and discouraged expansion. Chete et al. (2013) identify these constraints as major barriers to the development of Nigeria's manufacturing sector.

As production declined, many textile factories either reduced their operations or shut down completely, resulting in widespread job losses and a corresponding decline in demand for locally produced cotton. The weakening of domestic textile manufacturing also created a gap in the clothing market that was increasingly filled by imported textiles and, eventually, second-hand clothing. While these imports expanded consumer choice, they also intensified competition within the domestic market. This changing economic environment provided the conditions under which the second-hand clothing trade, popularly known in Nigeria as okrika, gained prominence and became an important feature of the country's clothing economy.

Overall, the literature portrays the evolution of Nigeria's textile industry as a story of both remarkable growth and gradual decline. Although the sector once stood as a symbol of industrial progress and economic diversification, its subsequent challenges resulted from a combination of economic reforms, structural weaknesses, and policy shortcomings. Understanding this historical trajectory is essential because it provides the context within which the emergence and expansion of okrika can be critically examined.

Origin and Development of Okrika in Nigeria

The emergence of second-hand clothing in Nigeria cannot be understood in isolation from developments in the global clothing trade. The international trade in used garments expanded considerably during the second half of the twentieth century as increasing levels of clothing consumption in Europe and North America generated large volumes of discarded but reusable clothing. Rather than being disposed of, many of these garments were collected through charitable organisations and commercial recycling systems before being exported to developing countries. According to Baden and Barber (2005), advances in international trade networks and the growing demand for affordable clothing transformed second-hand garments into a global commodity traded across Africa, Asia, and Latin America.

Across many African countries, economic hardship further accelerated the growth of this trade. Declining household incomes, rapid urbanisation, and limited access to affordable locally manufactured clothing encouraged consumers to seek cheaper alternatives. Field (2004) observes that second-hand clothing became an important source of affordable apparel in many developing economies, while also creating employment opportunities for importers, wholesalers, retailers, transporters, and market traders. These developments gradually established second-hand clothing as a significant component of Africa's informal economy.

Nigeria experienced a similar pattern as economic conditions changed during the 1980s. The implementation of the Structural Adjustment Programme (SAP), coupled with rising inflation and declining purchasing power, altered consumer spending patterns and increased demand for lower-priced clothing. As locally manufactured garments became less affordable for many households, imported second-hand clothing gained wider acceptance within the Nigerian market. Although the growth of the trade coincided with the challenges facing the domestic textile industry, Olukoshi (1996) argues that the expansion of second-hand clothing should be viewed within the broader context of Nigeria's economic reforms rather than as an isolated phenomenon.

In Nigeria, imported second-hand clothing is popularly known as "okrika". The term is widely believed to have originated from Okrika, a riverine town in present-day Rivers State. Historical accounts suggest that imported used clothing was distributed through ports in the Niger Delta, where traders purchased and transported the garments to markets across the country. As the trade expanded, the name of the town gradually became associated with the clothing itself, eventually evolving into the generic term used to describe imported second-hand garments regardless of their actual point of entry. Areo and Areo (2015) identify this historical association as one of the most widely accepted explanations for the origin of the term okrika in Nigeria.

Over time, okrika developed into more than a source of affordable clothing. It became an important commercial enterprise supporting thousands of livelihoods within Nigeria's informal economy. Activities such as importation, sorting, transportation, laundering, garment alteration, wholesale distribution, and retail trading created employment opportunities for individuals with varying levels of capital and technical skill. In their assessment of consumer attitudes towards second-hand clothing, Areo and Areo (2015) found that many Nigerians purchase okrika not only because of its affordability but also because of its durability, uniqueness, and perceived quality. These findings suggest that consumer demand for second-hand clothing is influenced by a combination of economic and non-economic factors.

Although the okrika trade has generated substantial economic opportunities, it remains one of the most debated issues within Nigeria's fashion and textile industries. Supporters argue that it improves access to affordable clothing and provides employment for thousands of traders, while critics maintain that increasing dependence on imported second-hand garments may reduce demand for locally manufactured textiles. Baden and Barber(2005) note that this debate is not unique to Nigeria but reflects wider concerns across developing countries regarding the relationship between second-hand clothing imports and domestic industrial development. Understanding these competing perspectives is therefore essential to evaluating whether okrika functions primarily as an economic necessity or an industrial threat within the Nigerian fashion industry.

Economic Benefits of Okrika

The second-hand clothing trade has become an important component of Nigeria's informal economy, generating significant economic and social benefits for individuals, households, and small businesses. Although debates surrounding okrika often focus on its impact on domestic textile production, a considerable body of literature emphasises its contribution to employment generation, income creation, affordable clothing, and sustainable consumption. These benefits help explain the continued growth and acceptance of okrika across different socioeconomic groups in Nigeria.

One of the most significant benefits of okrika is its affordability. In a country where poverty, inflation, and unemployment continue to affect household purchasing power, second-hand clothing provides consumers with access to quality garments at relatively low prices. This affordability enables many families to meet their clothing needs without placing excessive pressure on their limited incomes. Examining the global second-hand clothing trade, Baden and Barber (2005) argue that imported used clothing has improved access to affordable apparel for millions of consumers in developing countries. Supporting this view, Field (2004) observes that second-hand clothing has become an important coping strategy for households experiencing economic hardship, particularly in many African countries where disposable incomes remain low.

Beyond improving access to clothing, the okrika trade has created substantial employment opportunities throughout its value chain. Economic activities associated with the trade include importation, transportation, sorting, washing, mending, ironing, wholesale distribution, retailing, and garment alteration. These activities provide income for thousands of traders and service providers, many of whom rely on the trade as their primary source of livelihood. In their study of consumer attitudes towards second-hand clothing in Nigeria, Areo and Areo (2015) note that the sector has evolved into a vibrant commercial enterprise that supports numerous small-scale entrepreneurs and contributes significantly to household incomes.

Consumer demand for okrika is also influenced by factors beyond affordability. Many buyers perceive imported second-hand garments as durable, fashionable, and of higher quality than some inexpensive new clothing available in local markets. These perceptions have broadened the appeal of okrika, making it attractive to consumers across different income levels rather than only to low-income households. Findings reported by Areo and Areo (2015) indicate that purchasing decisions are frequently shaped by quality, uniqueness, and access to international clothing brands in addition to price considerations.

The growing global emphasis on sustainable fashion has further strengthened arguments in favour of clothing reuse. Extending the lifespan of garments through resale and reuse reduces textile waste, conserves natural resources, and promotes more sustainable patterns of consumption. Fletcher (2009) argues that the reuse of clothing forms an important aspect of sustainable fashion because it reduces environmental pressure associated with continuous textile production and disposal. Although environmental sustainability may not be the primary motivation for most Nigerian consumers, this perspective highlights an additional benefit of the second-hand clothing trade within the broader context of circular fashion and responsible resource use.

While these economic benefits explain the continued expansion of okrika in Nigeria, the literature also recognises that the trade has generated concerns about its implications for domestic textile production and industrial development. Consequently, a balanced understanding of the second-hand clothing market requires consideration of both its positive contributions and the criticisms levelled against it. The next section therefore examines the industrial challenges associated with okrika and the arguments advanced by scholars who believe that the trade has adversely affected Nigeria's textile industry.

Industrial Challenges Associated with Okrika

Despite its recognised economic benefits, the second-hand clothing trade has attracted considerable criticism for its perceived impact on Nigeria's textile and fashion industry. A significant body of literature argues that the increasing availability of imported used clothing has intensified competition for locally manufactured textiles, reduced consumer demand for domestic products, and complicated efforts to revive the country's textile sector. However, scholars differ on the extent to which okrika alone can be held responsible for the industry's decline.

One of the most frequently cited concerns is that the affordability of second-hand clothing has altered consumer purchasing patterns. As imported used garments became widely available at relatively low prices, many consumers shifted away from locally manufactured textiles, particularly during periods of economic hardship. This change in demand made it increasingly difficult for domestic producers to compete in the clothing market. Baden and Barber(2005) argue that the expansion of the global second-hand clothing trade has placed considerable pressure on textile industries in many developing countries by reducing demand for locally produced garments and encouraging dependence on imported clothing.

The availability of second-hand clothing has also influenced market competition within Nigeria's fashion industry. Local manufacturers often face higher production costs arising from electricity shortages, expensive raw materials, and limited technological capacity. In contrast, imported second-hand garments are sold at prices that many domestic producers find difficult to match as consumers frequently prioritise affordability and perceived quality over the origin of clothing, placing additional competitive pressure on Nigerian textile manufacturers.

The weakening demand for locally produced textiles has been linked to wider industrial consequences. Declining sales have reduced production capacity in many textile factories, contributing to factory closures and significant job losses within the manufacturing sector. Owen et al. (2016) note that the decline of Nigeria's textile industry has resulted in factory closures, substantial employment losses. Similarly, Muhammad (2011) argues that increasing dependence on imported clothing has weakened domestic textile manufacturing by exposing local producers to intense external competition in an already challenging business environment.

Although these concerns are widely discussed, many scholars caution against attributing the decline of Nigeria's textile industry solely to the okrika trade. Existing studies consistently show that the industry's challenges extend beyond second-hand clothing imports. Structural problems such as inadequate infrastructure, unreliable electricity supply, inconsistent government policies, smuggling, obsolete production technology, and limited access to finance have also reduced the competitiveness of local manufacturers. Chete et al. (2014) identify these broader structural constraints as major obstacles to industrial development.

A similar perspective is offered by Muhammad et al. (2020), who identify the smuggling of Chinese textile products into Nigeria as a significant challenge to domestic textile manufacturers. Their analysis shows that smuggled textiles entering the Kano market through trans-Saharan trade routes competed with locally produced textiles and contributed to the displacement of local manufacturers. Locally produced textiles therefore compete not only with second-hand clothing but also with cheaper imported new garments entering the Nigerian market through both legal and illegal channels. This broader competitive environment indicates that the challenges confronting the textile industry cannot be explained by Okrika in isolation.

Overall, the literature presents contrasting views regarding the relationship between okrika and Nigeria's textile industry. While some scholars consider second-hand clothing a major source of competitive pressure for domestic manufacturers, others argue that it represents only one element of a much wider set of economic and structural challenges. These differing perspectives reinforce the need for a balanced assessment of the second-hand clothing trade rather than attributing the industry's decline to a single factor. The next section therefore examines the broader structural factors that have contributed to the decline of Nigeria's textile industry.

Factors Responsible for the Decline of the Nigerian Textile Industry

The decline of Nigeria's textile industry has been widely discussed in the literature, with scholars agreeing that no single factor can adequately explain the sector's deterioration. Although the influx of second-hand clothing is frequently identified as one of the challenges confronting local manufacturers, existing studies consistently show that the industry's decline resulted from the interaction of economic, infrastructural, technological, and policy-related factors. This broader perspective is essential for understanding the complex environment within which Nigeria's textile industry has struggled to remain competitive.

One of the most persistent challenges facing Nigeria’s textile industry has been inadequate infrastructure. Efficient manufacturing depends on reliable transportation networks, water supply, energy, and other industrial facilities. However, deficiencies in these areas have significantly increased production costs and reduced operational efficiency. Muhammad et al. (2018) identify inadequate critical infrastructure as a major constraint on the Nigerian textile industry, noting that unreliable electricity, water shortages, and poor road networks have increased production costs and weakened the sector’s performance and competitiveness.

Closely linked to infrastructure is the problem of unreliable electricity supply. Textile manufacturing is highly energy-intensive, requiring consistent power for spinning, weaving, dyeing, and finishing operations. Frequent power outages have forced many manufacturers to rely on diesel generators, substantially increasing production costs. The long-standing impact of this challenge is highlighted by Sambo (2008), who argues that Nigeria's electricity deficit has significantly constrained industrial development. Unstable electricity supply continues to contribute to factory closures, declining productivity, and job losses within the textile industry, demonstrating that the problem has persisted despite various policy interventions.

Globalisation and trade liberalisation have also reshaped the competitive environment in which Nigerian textile manufacturers operate. The liberalisation of international trade increased the availability of imported textiles, exposing domestic producers to competition from countries with lower production costs and more advanced manufacturing technologies. Muhammad (2011) argues that these developments weakened the competitiveness of Nigeria's textile industry by making imported products more attractive to consumers. In a similar vein, Taylor (2007) observes that expanding trade relations, particularly with China economies, accelerated the influx of inexpensive textiles into Nigerian markets, placing additional pressure on local manufacturers. Egbula and Zheng (2011) further note that the growing trade relationship between Nigeria and China has created both economic opportunities and significant competitive challenges for domestic industries.

Another major concern identified in the literature is the widespread smuggling of textiles and finished garments into Nigeria. Smuggled products often enter the market without import duties or regulatory controls, enabling them to be sold at prices that legitimate local manufacturers cannot match. This undermines formal businesses, reduces government revenue, and discourages investment in domestic production. Eneji et al. (2012) argue that increasing foreign trade has intensified competitive pressures on local manufacturers, particularly where domestic industries receive limited institutional support.

Government policy and institutional weaknesses have further compounded the structural challenges facing Nigeria’s textile industry. Inconsistent industrial policies, limited access to finance, inadequate technological investment, and weak implementation of manufacturing support programmes have constrained firms’ ability to modernise production, improve productivity, and compete with imported textiles. These weaknesses have not only limited the effectiveness of industrial interventions but have also created an uncertain environment for investment and long-term industrial planning. The need for coherent policy frameworks, improved infrastructure, technological advancement, and stronger institutional support is therefore central to achieving sustainable industrial growth in Nigeria (Chete et al., 2014).

The literature also highlights technological limitations and ageing production facilities as significant barriers to industrial competitiveness. Many Nigerian textile factories have struggled to modernise their equipment, resulting in lower productivity, higher operating costs, and reduced product quality. Aminu (2016) identifies the continued use of obsolete technology as a major constraint on the competitiveness of Nigerian textiles, particularly because it contributes to low productivity, poor quality and high production costs.

A broader reading of the literature reveals that the decline of Nigeria's textile industry cannot be attributed solely to the growth of the okrika trade. Rather, it reflects the combined effects of inadequate infrastructure, unreliable electricity supply, trade liberalisation, smuggling, technological limitations, inconsistent government policies, and weak institutional support. These interconnected challenges created conditions that reduced the competitiveness of domestic manufacturers long before second-hand clothing became a dominant feature of Nigeria's clothing market. Recognising the complexity of these factors is essential to achieving a balanced understanding of the relationship between okrika and the Nigerian fashion industry.

Discussion: Balancing Economic Necessity with Industrial Threat

Three observations emerge from this study. First, the debate surrounding okrika becomes less convincing when it is reduced to a choice between economic necessity and industrial threat. Nigeria's second-hand clothing market expanded during a period of declining household purchasing power, rising unemployment, and increasing production costs within the domestic textile industry. Under these conditions, okrika became more than an alternative source of clothing; it developed into an important commercial activity that provided affordable garments for consumers and livelihoods for thousands of traders. Its continued growth therefore reflects broader economic realities rather than consumer preference alone. Second, the decline of Nigeria's textile industry cannot reasonably be explained by the growth of the second-hand clothing trade in isolation. The industry had already begun to lose competitiveness as a result of unreliable electricity supply, weak infrastructure, inconsistent industrial policies, obsolete production technology, and the influx of smuggled and imported textiles. The expansion of okrika intensified competition within an already fragile industry, but it did not create the structural weaknesses that had accumulated over several decades. Treating second-hand clothing as the sole cause of industrial decline risks overlooking the broader reforms required to restore domestic textile manufacturing. Finally, the continued relevance of indigenous textiles offers a different perspective on the future of Nigeria's fashion industry. Fabrics such as Aso-Oke, Adire, Akwete, and Akwa-Ocha have remained culturally and commercially significant despite the decline of large-scale textile manufacturing. Their resilience demonstrates that Nigeria's textile heritage continues to provide opportunities for innovation, entrepreneurship, and value creation. Strengthening the fashion industry therefore requires policies that encourage local production, improve the manufacturing environment, and preserve indigenous textile traditions while recognising the economic role that second-hand clothing continues to play.

Conclusion

The debate surrounding okrika has often been framed as a choice between economic necessity and industrial threat. This study suggests that such a distinction oversimplifies a much more complex reality. The expansion of the second-hand clothing trade reflects broader economic conditions that have increased demand for affordable clothing while simultaneously exposing the longstanding structural weaknesses of Nigeria's textile industry. Although okrika has intensified competition within the clothing market, the decline of domestic textile manufacturing cannot be attributed to second-hand clothing alone. Inadequate infrastructure, unreliable electricity supply, inconsistent industrial policies, technological limitations, smuggling, and weak institutional support had already undermined the industry's competitiveness before the trade became widespread. At the same time, the resilience of indigenous textiles demonstrates that Nigeria's fashion industry continues to possess significant cultural and economic potential. Rather than viewing okrika solely as a problem to be eliminated, greater attention should be given to creating conditions that enable local textile producers to compete effectively while preserving the livelihoods that depend on the second-hand clothing trade. A balanced approach of this nature offers a more realistic pathway towards strengthening Nigeria's fashion industry and ensuring its long-term sustainability.

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